In The Sudanese Dignity Revolution

03-27-2019 11:54 PM
In

order to avoid the documentation that I claim to be one of the most important people in our political life, it is necessary to emphasize that the third Sudanese revolution, or what I call the Revolution of Freedom and Dignity, Sudanese space, when it broke out in December of last year 2018 has so far exceeded three months. The timing mentioned does not negate the fact that it is the result of accumulations that have continued to expand and contract throughout the 30 years in which the League of Ba’bas took over the issue of slaves, which, as in our political literature, has been characterized by lean years and sometimes occasional debasement. But these years are the most severe impact on the country since its independence in 1956 and if you want – dear reader – to extend your vision even further in comparison with the various colonial times, it will probably come back to you with the sight of a loser is Hassier!

(2)

Well, the professional gathering took advantage of that legitimate opportunity, which it has always longed for since its covert composition in 2016. It was a streamlined establishment whose attention did not turn the attention of those who spoke their tongues to the alternative question, but did not draw the attention of the ruling power itself. It was as if it was going to rain in the summer and it was winter. In fact, the question of the alternative itself was a trap set by the ruling junta from the point of impotence, deception and neglect. And increased it with the establishment of a theocratic state of the atheist, claimed to be the emissaries of Providence, so as to be safe from the search for a real alternative. However, on the other hand, the question was objective, in light of the failure of its causes accumulated by the national and democratic forces, adopted by the League justified by calling the darker night and submerge its sacrifice, even though the failure of his years and questioned the rock stubborn. So the emergence of the professional gathering was a breakthrough or a milestone in which researchers found a realistic answer alternative that simplified the question:

(3)

The pool of professionals has found a great response that may not even have occurred to those who invented the idea and tired of planning it day and night. This is due to several reasons, for example:

First: Every new surprising as the words say, especially since the new gathering of professionals came with the so-called (pyramid theory inverse) that is a broad political alliance of the union represents the head of the pyramid, Little is known as the base of the pyramid. In addition, the classic appearance of the gathering coincided with the political, economic and security situation in the country and its arrival at the bottleneck, as if it were a prior appointment.

Secondly, there is a third surprise expressed by the masses who have been looking at the Sudanese political reality through the failure of all political forces, whose causes have accumulated and led to their inability to fight the ruling regime with effective mechanisms to remove it from power. He did not realize that some were aware of the reasons and were aware of them while others were absent. This and that was a reason for the loose assembly and the automatic interaction with its components.

Thirdly, the emergence of a pool of professionals coincided with the mobilization of youth forces of both sexes, who became the fuel of revolution. This is the first phenomenon in Sudanese political life of this magnitude. This has imposed a new agenda in the list of aspirations and aspirations, even the hopes and dreams of this important social group, which in theory is estimated at 60% of the population of Sudan, 80% of them participated in the demonstrations. As is known, these youth forces will determine the paths of the future homeland, meaning that the revolution in this new nature will not stand at the ceiling of the fall of the regime.

Fourthly, the unplanned ambiguity in the professional gathering agenda was at the beginning of the demonstrations, and it became an attractive ambiguity for the viewers, while there was concern in the hearts of the regime, who are asking about the great news and filling themselves with pity. When their patience rose, their trumpets began to spread lies that tried to curtail the revolution materially and morally.

Fifthly, the absence of an answer to the question, which seeks to identify the nature of the gathering by the brutal authority, was an incentive for the Sudanese street to advance the project of the revolution in order to reach its logical conclusion of uprooting the regime from its roots. This is evidenced by the continuation of demonstrations and is not indifferent to what was issued by the Authority, including the Emergency Law that confiscated all freedoms. Ironically, the biggest challenge was not to stop the demonstrations during President Mashir’s speech of the emergency speech itself, as if the people did not mean anything.

Sixthly, it is the realization that the ruling power has been hit by the stalemate of the political horizon, and that its inability to face the economic issues that still stand in its way seeks a solution. Add to that the dislocation of power from within is represented in the absence of defenders of the invalidity of its project. And the emergence of a group of “recruits” who have been assigned the task on behalf of the owners of the project. All this was an incentive to move forward with the project of change, according to which it will come to fruition even after a while.

So the events went on and on, and they went up in a revolution that extended day by day until it reached its height in finding a social incubator that contained it in every house, and in its hymns, which were echoed by young and old. In the face of this relative success, it was natural for questions to arise from time to time, the biggest question being, and then what? Or in short what work?

This is a majestic question that carries a lot in his heart and does not stop at the fall of the regime. But will extend to include the rule on which we built the structure of the revolution itself: how to govern Sudan? It is natural for us to have this question in mind so that we can find a paradox in which to fortify the revolution from the consequences of falling into what is undesirable. Bearing in mind that the answer can not tolerate hesitation or hesitation or underestimation, as long as it is linked to the fate of a nation now stands between my choice to be or not.

From this point of view, we will work to match the words already, guided by the values ​​of freedom, democracy and transparency in a constructive dialogue that establishes in the minds of the broad rule on which we base the argument that the alternative is how the Sudan will judge as we mentioned. In this regard, we put the following notes in the hands of readers and those interested:

First, by virtue of the geographical reality, the gathering of professionals within the Sudan filled itself with the necessities of the continuity of the revolution by circulating periodic guidelines.

Secondly, on the other hand, we have all noticed the suspicious silence that has prevailed over the countries of the region, and even the entire international community since the outbreak of the revolution. Some of them expressed their position with amazement, although not all of them are aware that the regime fought by the rebels violated the values ​​that some of these countries derive from their existence. Therefore, it was not the hope that these countries would not need a great effort to align the revolution with its noble values. But in light of the decline of all this, the absent question came present mentioned above looking for an explanation.

Thirdly, one of the reasons for the slow interaction of the regional and international community lies in the lack of a political cover for the gathering of professionals abroad, a cover that seeks to address the countries in common language, which affirms that we are not isolated on the island but affected. Moreover, the common interests of us and the entire world have been tampered with by the regime, which should have been emphasized in the rhetoric addressed to these States in order to prevent possible concerns and concerns.

We have to say that it is not the professional gathering that does not revolve around the sluggishness of the countries of the world, since it has poured most of its experience in moving the internal work, which is the most important, in exchange for a lack of experience in the process of what is happening regionally and internationally, Caution, but that should not be up to the degree of (hygroscopy), the exchange between and haram between and does not fall into suspicion only the ignorant.

Fourth: Perhaps what distinguishes this revolution unite and encircle the Sudanese around them in the immigrant and exile and the homes of alienation, and race them to express their participation in the ways they can. They represented an additional social incubator and fuel of the revolution, despite the divergence of geography. But it also draws attention to the fact that professionals at home have not been able to capitalize on this opportunity to connect abroad with more effective work, joint programs and the creation of channels of natural communication. Thus, the questions of the outside have multiplied without hearing, and the queries have been exacerbated without answering.

Fifthly, in order to fill the excuses, the two professionals took two active steps. The first was to name his spokesmen, and they did their best to express the group’s orientations. This was a welcome step because it worked to some extent to cover some of the shortcomings mentioned. The issuance of Sudanese exile before the issuance of observers from the international community. But it is very clear that these speakers seem to be bound by bureaucratic constraints that are not consistent with the revolutionary momentum we are living. They should be constantly supplied with what can help them to perform that task fully, and that is easier.

Sixthly: On the same level, the people of the marginalized have been encouraged by the step taken by the Association of Forensic Doctors, represented by the great work they have done, by offering an integrated health services program as a ready alternative for the immediate application of the dictatorial regime, especially since the health sector was the most destructive Parasites. This step has another meaning: the liberation from the culture of totalitarianism that we have seen in the ruling regime. Some people think that as a group of professionals, its members sit in an ivory tower and issue orders one by one. This is the illusion of the culture of inclusiveness that we have mentioned. Our democracy and the freedom we aspire to affirm that we are all partners in this country, and that no one is preferred to the other except to the extent of his national aspiration. This partnership requires that we be positive in providing everything that drives the revolution forward, as did the Medical Association without waiting for Ferman to descend on us from above!

Seventh: Here is the horse in answer to the question of the beginning of what to do? Based on the above point (VI), we have a proposal to fill this gap that the lack of responsiveness of the regional and international communities is due to the absence of political cover abroad addressing these communities. The strange thing is that a good proposal by the assembly to form consultative councils found its way to implementation in part by forming a council in Britain, and after it slowed down or failed or maybe the idea died and the waiters do not know what to do rationally. But if this is not the case, our proposal is to encourage Sudanese to benefit from the culture of electoral democracy in the countries where they live for many years. There has been a massive and unmistakable Sudanese presence. It has been clearly demonstrated in support demonstrations, especially on the three continents: Australia, Europe, North America / Canada, and it is possible to add some African countries (of course this is not possible with regard to the Arab countries) by choosing their representatives, this would be a useful exercise for the coming democracy. At the same time, we affirm that we are worthy of democracy and capable of practicing it. JH from darkness to light!

And fall _ but the

last speech: must be accounting and democracy and even long travel !!

faldaw@hotmail.com